Abortion in an Orissa refugee camp, houses without roofs and a single- track police investigation

Kandhamal Orissa Update 27 May 2007

Abortion in a refugee camp, houses without roofs and a single- track police investigation

From John Dayal

Remember those two infant boys who born in the forests of Kandhamal district in Orissa during Christmas 2007 in a Nativity script so horribly rewritten by marauding gangs of the Sangh Parivar?

I am happy to report that both boys, now five months old, are doing well in their Ulipodara village near Brahminigaon, which was attacked on Christmas night. I visited them last fortnight and saw them in the arms of their young mothers. Mercifully child Yesudas, appropriately named by his mother Mukti Parichha, and Kumidini’s still unnamed baby boy, show no signs of the trauma. Their mothers and the rest of the village are, however, still in a state of shock.

It is not that many houses still do not have a roof, or that the followers of the self styled Swami Lakshmananda Saraswati are still trying to build a temple just a tree shadow away from their desecrated and burned church – the goons were chased away by the police, but have threatened to come again -- or that pubescent girls no longer go to the school where they are being teased even by other girls, or threatened with rape on the road.

It is also because the local officers have told the men they will get not get any jobs, not even as coolies and manual workers in the government’s much touted National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme or the stellar Prime Minister’s Gramin [rural] Road Scheme. It does not matter that many of the young men are educated and deserve better. The officers say unless the government declares there is total peace, the work on the roads will not resume in their area. That is it.

I was once again in Kandhamal this month, trying to facilitate an Independent Tribunal that is investigating the Christmas week anti Christian violence in the district. Convened at my request by the famed Mumbai Human rights activist Ms Teesta Setalvad, it was headed by another legendary activist, Mr. Justice Hosbet Suresh, formerly of the Bombay High Court. His colleagues, apart from Ms Setalvad, were Mr. Justice Kolse Patil, who resigned from the Bombay high court at the height of his judicial career to fight for the human rights of Maharashtra’s peasants, and former Gujarat Director General of Police Mr. Sreekumar, IPS, who had exposed the RSS nexus with the top brass of the police under Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi in the mass murder of Muslims in the state in February-March 2002.

A public Tribunal with higher credibility is difficult to imagine.

Providing them local assistance were Rev Pran Parichha and his son Ashish from Cuttack, grassroots Kui activist and social scientist Hemant Naik from Bhubaneswar, and Catholic Social Forum founder Joe Dias of Mumbai.

The Independent Tribunal toured the area extensively, visited refugee camps, met with officials, and held public hearings in a school building in Balliguda, the block head quarters at the heart of the district, and close to Barakhama, which had borne the brunt of the violence and still looks like a war zone. I understand from Ms. Teesta Setalvad that the Tribunal will write to the State government of Orissa to seek answers to questions arising from their tour and the public hearings and then will release their report to the public.

Ms. Teesta Setalvad’s womanly presence in the Barakhama refugee camp during their visit may well have saved the life of young Rashmi, the daughter of Suniya Digal of Tikarbari village. Rashni’s story also narrates, as nothing can, the crisis not just in the refugee camp or even in the Kandhamal district, but in Orissa itself where an utter absence of governance coupled with rampant corruption has left much of the state bereft of the benefits that have to other parts of the country in the decades since Independence in 1947.

Rashmi is about 16 years old, and was married last year. She came to the camp with her family after her house was burnt. She lives in a tent with her family in the camp set up in the high school at Barakhama village. She took ill with malaria, rampant in the camp, some days ago. The doctor did not check her properly, and prescribed a strong anti-malarial drug. Rashmi was apparently 16 weeks pregnant. She aborted. Her husband fled, leaving her with her parents.

No camp official bothered. The men don’t care, and there are no women health workers around anyway. The Catholic Sisters who occasionally visit the camp also seem to have missed out on the young girl suffering silently with acute stomach cramps and high fever.

That is how Ms. Teesta Setalvad discovered her. As a woman and a mother, she knew at a glance just exactly what was wrong. The symptoms were clear. She called me and told me to rush Rashmi to a hospital, any hospital. She had had an abortion, Ms Setalvad said, and was on the brink of septicemia, or blood poisoning, unless a gynecologist had a look at her immediately and evacuated the remains of her pregnancy.

I spoke with the camp authorities. They seemed unmoved, but when I insisted, they said they would shift her to the Balliguda block hospital. This was around noon.

At around 5 in the evening, Fr Basant Kumar Digal, the Catholic priest who I had requested to ensure that the girl was indeed taken to the hospital, came to me in the Balliguda hearings of the Independent Tribunal to tell me of his experience in the block Hospital. The camp officers took hours to bring the girl to the hospital. The doctor was at home and did not want to come. He would tell me later that he had gone home for lunch. When he did come, he said the girl’s family had to buy all medicines. Fr Digal bought the medicines for her.

When I reached the hospital, Rashmi was lying outside the labour room on three chairs. The doctor told me she had had her uterus evacuated and was doing fine. But she needed a malaria test. It would cost Rupees Seventy-five. I asked him why one had to pay in a government hospital for parent brought from the refugee camp. He said these things cost money. The government medicine was no good. I paid the money, and then persuaded, if I may use the word, to get the technician to take a blood test. I also eventually persuaded the doctor to shift Rashmi to a ward and to a bed. By late evening, she was transferred to a dirty bed, with linen that had not been changed for a week or so it looked. The hospital itself looked it had not been cleaned for a week, nor painted for years. And this is the best hospital in the area.

Medicare in the camp, and elsewhere, is a joke, unless one is willing to pay standard rates. Some time ago, during an earlier visit, I had come across the case of an older woman who died because her family could not buy the drugs the camp doctor had prescribed for her. And three men have died two of them of wounds sustained in the Christmas attacks. A child also died in the camp inmates told me. The government officials do not want to speak of deaths, autopsies, or medico legal cases.

In Brahminigaon, the police are spending much, if not all, of the time trying to prove that Maoist extremists have been running around with the Christians. Investigations are in full swing to find out who torched houses of Hindus in Odiya-sahi in Brahminigaon. There is no news if anyone is following up the cases of houses burnt in the Christian-sahi in the next lane. There is also no information about the police progress in tracing the whereabouts the masterminds who plotted the widespread arson which razed more than 100 churches, convents, schools, hospitals and medical centres run by Christian organisations.

There is, however, official news that the government dole will not be able to put a roof over the houses now being built in Barakhama for the Christians. Local officers tell me that even after the full amount of Rupees Fifty Thousand is given to rebuild the totally burnt down houses, each family will be about Thirty thousand rupees short for the steel truss and the asbestos sheet roofs. They tell me that the Church could help put a roof over the houses.

And anyway, at least half a dozen families will not be given houses at all because they had homes on tribal land, and they cannot go back, officers say, because non tribals are not allowed t build on tribal land.

This nice rule has apparently been waived, or ignored, for some others who are not Christians in the Brahminigaon area, we discover. No one is available to explain how religion comes in the way of getting a roof, or getting a home.

But that is the story of Kandhamal.

Lakshmananda Saraswati, the local Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader, is the only one who seems not to have a worry. Senior officials admit they have been told not to do anything about him though he is named even by the police in cases of arson and burning of churches several times in the last two decades. He also is accused of fomenting the hate campaign against Christians and Muslims in the region, and for masterminding the attacks. “We will have more trouble if we do anything about him,” a senior district official admits to us. “So we have given him armed bodyguards and a jeep so at least we know where he is,” he adds.

I had a near encounter with this powerful man. As we were travelling from Darringbadi to Balliguda, Saraswati’s convoy was coming from the other direction. He was seated and a deep red SUV, a huge saffron triangular flag on a long staff, tied to the front bumper of the vehicle, tearing into the wind. His SUV sped past as we slowed down. The police bodyguards, armed with automatic weapons, followed him in their jeep. They vanished along the road, behind the next hill.

Justice Panigrahi, who heads the one-man commission, has given time till the end of May to all those who want to testify before him. It is reported that the commission will meet on 15 June or so to decide its modalities and procedures.

But in the hills of Kandhamal, with refugees still traumatised there is just not sufficient time, and grossly insufficient security, for the victims to file their affidavits in far away Cuttack.

I am among those who have filed applications before the Justice Panigrahi Commission that it needs to give the victims more time and security so they can file their affidavits. My application requests him to extend the last date till 15 July 2008 by when hopefully the people will have roofs over their heads and the calm they need to narrate their trauma in the legalese that the commission seeks.

Independent Tribunal concludes hearings on Kandhmal, Orissa, anti Christian violence

Independent Tribunal On Kandhamal Violence

Nirat, Juhu Tara Road, Mumbai 400 049

Camp office: Dr Pran Parichha, Kanika Road, Tulsipur, Cuttack 753 008

Members of the Tribunal

Mr. Justice Hosbet Suresh

Mr. Justice Kolse Patil

Mr. R. B. Sreekumar, IPS, Director General of Police [Retd.] Gujarat,

Ms Teesta Setalvad

Facilitation:

Dr Pran Parichha [943709714], Mr. Joseph Dias, Mr. Hemant Nayak

Convener:

Dr John Dayal, Member, National Integration Council, Govt of India

09811021072 johndayal@vsnl.com



URGENT

Bhubaneswar, 17 May 2008

Transcript excerpts of press meeting by the Independent Tribunal on Kandhamal on return of Justices Hosbet Suresh, Kolse Patil, Ms Teesta Setalvad and RB Sreekumar, IPS Retd after Public hearings in Kandhamal district

----------

--War footing required in Rehabilitation Relief, Reconciliation

-- Roofs must before Monsoons

-- Systematic communal polarization must be checked

-- Government had warnings of violence but failed to act

Independent Tribunal will send list of queries to State Government for response

--------



The four-member Independent Tribunal consisting of eminent jurists Justice Hospet Suresh, Justice Kolse Patil [both former High Court judges], Director General of Police [retired], Gujarat, Mr. R. B. Sreekumar and Ms Teesta Setalvad, the noted Human rights activist, returned from Kandhamal on the evening of 16th May 2008 after extensive Public hearings in the district between 13 and 15 May 2008. Justice Suresh left for Mumbai early, but Justice Kolse presided over a press conference also addressed by Ms Teesta Setalvad and Mr. R B Sreekumar at Swosti Hotel in Bhubaneswar today. The Tribunal did not issue a written statement, but made oral preliminary remarks and said the Interim report will be prepared and questionnaires sent to the State and Central Government authorities for their comments and responses before the final report was made public.

The following are excerpts from the typescript of the Press conference:

Justice Kolse Patil: We have been going places through the country where there is human rights violations and prejudice. We were requested by Ms Teesta Setalvad and we have been to Kandhamal for the Independent Tribunal. We have practically visited most affected villages, tried to talk to victims personally, and we also invited them for giving evidence before the Tribunal. We have recorded the evidence.

One thing we noted prominently is that aid has not reached the victims. Churches, hostels, hospitals which are destroyed – they are as it is. Now we know the area is facing monsoons. By June, within these fifteen days, if aid is not reached, the condition of these victims will be pathetic. Many of them have no houses yet. Hundreds of families are either staying in a camp or with their relatives, wherever they got shelter.

This is a religious as well as an economic problem. A community rich in resources is being exploited. The culminative effect of this exploitation, we know, is that every six months or a year, riots take place.

The womenfolk who deposed before us said they were so independent before 1970. "We had our own traditions, our own sanskruti and we used to have tremendous independence." We in the Tribunal found that this happiness of the people there is being jeopardized by the religious, political economic exploiters. The area is being destroyed. The ultimate ulterior motive of the leaders, religious, economic or political, is clear. Many of the down trodden are doing business now and they are educated, and because of their education and upliftment, the class that was exploiting them earlier, is making life miserable for them.

The evidence is with us and we will analyse it. We have tried to invite all state machinery to give evidence. We also tried to contact them to give and other facilities to the people/ There are no government schools running in the area, and some schools run by other agencies seem to be for their own ulterior motives. The government instead of protecting the traditions and culture of the people has allowed other agencies such as the RSS and the Bajrang Dal to be active. The government machinery is not taking an interest in the progress of the area. The police have neither recorded the complaints of the people nor given them protection, and there this is the best example of why there is no law and order in the district.

But prima facie, it is important that the people get aid immediately so that by June their life is somewhat conformable and they are in a position to have shelter.

Ms Teesta Setalvad: We have just concluded our visit and this is a preliminary feedback for the media.

It is virtually five months after the break of the violence. The violence which we know was deliberately engineered around Christmas day 2007 had been festering for other reasons since about July or august 2007. The festering conflict since that period has been twisted and manipulated and engineered around Christmas eve, which is a very major event for the minority community. And the violence unleashed. Even the government – we met relief official the sub collectors, have spoken to the superintendent of police. Even the government records show where the damage has taken place.

What is really of concern is that even five months after the violence, when we visited the remnants of the camp at Barakhama, the communication levels that ought to be there between the victims and the government officials were not there. While we were there, we actually encountered a young woman who suffered an abortion, needed to be taken to hospital because she was festering with a stomach infection which could have led to septicemia. Only after our intervention, she was privately taken to the Balliguda hospital for treatment. This small incident, but which could have affected her life, showed that there has not been required and requisite coordination between the victim groups and the government. Even five month after the outbreak of violence, in the heat of this month and the threat of monsoon by the next fifteen or twenty days, government officials admit that about 220 houses need to be built in Barakhama alone, and now private agencies are being asked to chip in to buy asbestos sheets for the roofs. We do not understand how government could not recognise the urgency of doing something about it.

Out first appeal to the government is that they should put aside technicalities and on a war footing ensure that every single house is built. It is not that which agency gives the money, but the issue should be that the people who are dis-housed and displaced by the violence it is the responsibility of the government under the Constitution to ensure that the houses are built.

Number two: We also believe that in a particular village which is quite inaccessible -- even we had to walk to it because the road is very bad – called Borikia, there are 48 [forty-eight] families who are displaced from there and are now staying at G Udaygiri. This is an immediate problem. We are therefore appealing to the authorities that under police protection, if required, they are allowed to go back to their village because they are still living in a leprosy camp and they are not able to go back.

I would not go to the nitty gritty of testimonies, but our visit was very illuminating. Out of my experience of travelling across the country – unfortunately dealing with communal situations –m what was very apparent and heartening in the Kandhamal area is the inherent communication and empathy that even the different affected groups have with each other. We believe there is a tremendous potential for peace-building in this area. There is a history of peace-building like in 1994 when women from different tribes and groups were given the leadership. The governments unfortunately not entrusting them with this peace-building. Unfortunately, many of the peace committees set up by the government have people on them who are themselves accused in the violence. So they fail to attract the faith of the affected population. Something heartening we found was that the local populations do not have animosity, apathy towards their fellow people. The local population does not have grudges, or any festering communalism.

There are some issues that led to the violence, but there is a tremendous potential to overcome it. So instead of making cynical exploitation of the potential for violence in this pre-election year – there is one more Christmas this year – the government should concentrate on genuine peace building and hand very this process to people who can handle this work. This is also our appeal.

Our preliminary view also is that in terms of what happened 24 to 27th December 2007, there were definite indicators of various kinds that such violence may break out. So there seems to have been a failure of the state to take preventive measures. The timing of a bandh on a date which is an important feast of the minorities – all this points to the fact that the government did not take as seriously as it should the events of 24th and 25th December. These mistakes we cannot afford to repeat. This is a very inaccessible region. If anything of this kind is allowed to fester, it will be even more problematic. We feel the government should learn the lessons, admit its failure and NOT allow them to happen once again As citizens of this country, poor victims of inaccessible areas should NOT become victims once more of something that can be avoided.

We also have reports of communal speeches being made, a certain communalization of populations. This will come out in the final report. But we believe that stringent action against communal elements is a step the government should be taking.

Mr. R B Sreekumar, IPS Retired: We have to think what we can do hereafter. We should build upon the present situation. Unlike in other places, particularly in Gujarat for instance, there is a lot of amity prevailing here between people. There is a Standard laid out drill that the government of India regulations stipule – there are Three "R" to be followed. These are first Reconciliation, second Rehabilitation and the third is Resettlement. For this there should be schemes. One is the civilian one. And the other is the police side. No society can be held together on police terror and police suzerainty or police plan. Those were the easy of the British. action. That is why the British gave all powers to the policeman. A head constable apparently ahs power than the President of India – he can arrest a citizen under fifty-two different laws. That is the British system which we are continuing.

What is required the civilian action. Development problem and social problems will degenerate into communal clashes unless action is taken, or caste or class violence. Institutions and NGOs fail, government departments fail. Civil departments in Kandhamal should come out with detailed scheme regarding social welfare, social mobility, economic issues, and even religious reconciliation. We are not lacking any code of conduct or systems. We have not implemented them. There are certain agent's provocateurs, instigated by evil minded people probably deputed by some political parties, communalists, who have some grand design to break India, they are behind it. These people should be brought on record by the police. These are all laid down procedures and should be followed as listed in the Orissa Police Rules. This is a specified laid down drill down to the police station. But apparently it is seldom or rarely implanted. It must be impended otherwise another conflagration will take place.

It seems there is some problem in arresting a top-most communalist who is engaged in rabid vituperative attack against a minority community, denigrating holy personalities such a Jesus Christ. If the police say it is not easy to arrest him, a beginning can be made by arresting his henchmen. Without these henchmen, these tools, he cannot operate.

There should be a special riots scheme to handle future situations in this area otherwise the police will collapse. There should be standard operating procedures in which dos and Don'ts for every rank of officer should be laid down.IPS officers should be trained.

There seems the skill is lacking. But also the will is lacking. If the police are again caught unawares, unlike in Delhi, Ahmadabad or Chennai, here in far flung areas, you may have to drop policemen by helicopters and even then by the time the police come, the whole thing may be over. I think because of the amity, fraternity and harmony between people, there was no targeted attack on human beings. Had they attacked human beings, nothing would have been left. The riots died down of their own, without any government intervention. It is as if the government was following some system of `naturopathy'. This cannot do.

Response to some questions from the Media:

Teesta Setalvad: The tribunal invited leadership of all different sections of public and political parties to depose. The public came from all communities and religions, but the political leaders did not, either from the ruling alliance or from the opposition. We have this experience in other tribunals. The person [Swami laxmananda] you mention did not appear before us. But there is not a single section of people that did not depose before us. Unfortunately the political class looks askance at Tribunals and the administration.

Justice Patil: We named people because there was evidence on record – the slogans, and the names related by witnesses.

Ms Teesta Setalvad: we have on record testimonies of people who have studied in the ashram of Swami Lakshmanand Saraswati – how this ashram functions, what it does, what activities gonon there. Al this is now on record of the tribunal. We have concluded that certain types of speeches that have been made and telecast have made the communal pointing.

The government has been apathetic. Monsoons are approaching, Aid has not yet reached. It is the primary Constitutional responsibility of the government to ensure that people have a shelter over their heads and do not survive in subhuman conditions. Even now people have not gone home, or not been able to return home. Surely there is a degree of insecurity. Miscreants who have been identified in every village – the whole village is not communal, but some elements are – create situations in which people cannot come back. At that stage the administration should step in, to ensure that the citizen should be able to return. This indicates complicity. State complicity is in not having adequate force to prevent violence despite warning, and not taking immediate and concrete steps since the violence broke out. Even today, police are not registering FIRs and punishing the guilty. These are the ingredients on which we say that there has been a high level of carelessness and apathy on the part of the government -- When crimes are committed across time and across villages, who the villagers are naming as accused.

There were many ingredients that form the backdrop of the violence, but the violence took a distinctive communal color. It is unfortunate fact of our history as an independent country that communal violence and other violence between different section of society is used by the party in power , whichever the party it is, but for some party, hatred itself is the agenda. Using violence for political ends has unfortunately become a part of democratic electoral practice in India.

Some parties have hatred as an agenda and some don't.

It is obvious there were a lot of preparations for the violence. Violence can be used to polarize people in a pre election year. The fact that this happened in December 2007 and what we have seen of the political response -- by the ruling party and the opposition – it seems there has been some complicity across parties. If adequate lessons are not learnt, there are fears that once violence has been used, it will be used again. Here or in neighboring districts or in neighboring states which will go to elections sooner or later.

It is the local people who can provide answers and solutions. They are working day and night. I was really humbled by the testimonies of the Kui women.

In Kandhamal, people filed FIRs, even sent it by registered post. But these were returned. This is against the law. Under section 154, FIRs have to be registered, as the law of the land insists. The attitude of the police and administration does not seem to be to record the FIRs and punish the guilty. This is unfortunate. There was ample evidence through government sources. The reasons why the government did not take adequate measures speaks for itself. It is the amity between the people that prevent more lives lost. Otherwise there was nothing that the government did which could have prevented this. Violence festered with no affective government intervention.

Our report will say all this in a considered manner. We will come before you once again.

Released to the media by

Dr John Dayal

Member, National Integration Council, Government of India

Convener of the Independent Tribunal

Mobile phone number 09811021072

Email: johndayal@vsnl.com






--

A Christian bother narrates the attack on Presentation Sisters in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, India by Hindutva militants

Subject: Bhopal

On Thursday the 15^th of May, 2008, at 6.30 in the evening, Marie Selvum, a second year Novice in Pratishta Niketan, the Novitiate of the Presentation Sisters, went out to the gate to close it. There were two young men on a motorcycle there, who asked, "Is this a church ?" She said it wasn't. They politely said their is that sos, but entered the gate. Marie decided to make for the front door and close it ; but they were faster. They barged in to the Novitiate. She realised then that there were two more motorcycles behind them, and a Maruti van, and she noticed that the men in them were young, well dressed, with mobiles and other indications that they were of a class higher than that of the local villagers. They had cricket bats and hockey sticks, and some were picking up stones from around.

When they had a sufficient number of men inside, they demanded that she call all those in the house, downstairs. She knew that Sr. Rose, assistant to the Novice Mistress, was upstairs, in the computer room. She made her way upstairs. A man followed her. He demanded that Sr. Rose go down immediately. Sr. Rose coolly told him to go down : she would make her way down. He turned around, and grabbed two Novices around the shoulders, Marie and Josie. As they neared the head of the stairs, Josie found a way of wriggling out of his grasp, and made off. Sr. Rose told her, and others, to lock themselves in rooms. But though they were all terrified, they were transfixed by the cries of Marie, who had been grabbed now by the hair, and forced downstairs. She was unable to do anything else but cry, "Bhaiyya ! Please don't do this !" When they reached the bottom of the stairs, he forced her into the community room, which had a TV, a bookshelf, and some chairs and tables. She realised that he wanted to bolt the door, and so she hung on to it. He smashed the door - it was made of wire gauze - but she clung to it, and sank to the floor. He dragged her by the ankles and swung her around. She continued imploring him with the same words, "Bhaiyya ! Please don't !" .

At that stage another young man, who had been giving orders around to the mob, told him to leave her, and concentrate on smashing things. He complied immediately. They smashed the TV, knocked down the bookshelf, smashed the furniture and all the glass in the windows.

Meanwhile, Sr. Sylvia, the Novice Mistress, who was in the farm, figured that all the noise was not just from the "Sammelan" across the road, and wasn't the result of the wind slamming furniture around (which it had been doing for some days). She came in to the house by the front door, to find a mob of around 50 people howling slogans at the gate, and when she entered the house she found people smashing every single window, light switch and light bulb they could find. She continually asked, "Who are you ?" "What do you want ?" "Why are you doing this ?" and asked them to stop. The only response she got was further destruction. One boy, who seemed to be the leader, said, "We are Hindus. We want you out of this place".

Then, as suddenly as they had come, they were gone.

The Sisters found that their telephone line had been cut (in this day and age, they had resisted getting a mobile connection), so Sr. Sylvia took a back route to the village and called people. Before she got back to the Novitiate, the Police had arrived. I was in the process of taking Gussy to Habibganj Station for his train to Delhi. I picked up Shivaji, one of the Novices, and headed for Gandhi Nagar right away. When I arrived, I saw that priests, Sisters and Brothers from the vicinity had arrived, and the Police were still taking down statements.

I rejoiced that Marie and Josie were being asked to recount the events again and again for everybody who came. And there were some calls (on borrowed cell phones) from their own Sisters, in Delhi, and Chennai, and Goa, which were just what they needed. It gave them both, more especially Marie, the opportunity to describe the events, just as they were ; to remember them as events that had happened. I encouraged them to do so as often as they could, and to be careful to use the Past Tense ; and not to be afraid of saying that they had been afraid, or panicky, or that they wanted to cry. That way they had a chance of placing those horrific events in the Past, where they belonged, and making a space for the lives they were going to live, starting from the Present. The police were already offering a picket for the nights to come, and the days. This would help them to face the future, and leave behind the fear that wanted to cling to them. I kept pointing out the courage that they had displayed at crucial points, and suggested that they could wonder where this courage came from.

I was glad that I could do that for them. Otherwise there was really nothing I did. It was a time when I could actually experience the duty of being brother, which has sometimes nothing to do with doing, just being there. It was a powerful experience for Shivaji, too, because the Novices knew him better, and they were able to break down and cry when he was present. That was a long night, because the Sisters had to make statements, and First Information Reports, and eventually go to the Police Station, and it was past 12.30 when all were able to retire. I think most were able to sleep. Next morning they were able to make jokes about shouts and cries that they had heard from one another's beds. I thought it was a good sign.

But now the procession began. All day long, more and more people came in, some of them simple people who came to express their solidarity, but many of them officious officials, one more policeman, from one more department, one from the CID, one from the CBI, then the first of the politicians, who could smell an opportunity to be in front of the cameras.

At this stage it was not helping the young Sisters in the focus of the events to live their lives. So I agreed with the Sisters that none of them would speak to anybody, but anybody. They were able to go upstairs, and do some ordinary things, like having class, and prayer, and help with cooking meals

And each well-wisher was invited to look at the rooms where the damage had been done. And if he wished to speak to the people who were actually involved, he got a gentle but firm no. Of course, the poor fish would fall into the trap of asking the next question, "What was the reason for this behaviour ? Was it about land ? Or was it about conversions ?", and it served him right. Because then he got the full barrage of unbridled rhetoric and oratory (no, no, not a little chapel) salted with irony and spiced with sarcasm, and points which they had better ponder on, because the next listener was going to get the same dose.

They were reminded that this remains a democracy, and a vibrant, healthy democracy at that. If people had any problems, they were welcome, and they knew that they were welcome, to talk to the Sisters. If they had any complaints, the Police were alive and well. And if they had a case, they could move the Courts. The country was aware that the Christians were the first to acknowledge guilt when they were guilty. (Shamed nodding of heads). And the fact that not one, not one, case of conversion has ever been brought to light, was offered to them in the soft, gentle tone of voice usually employed by the punter who senses victory on the last lap.

It was suggested to them that 20 young men who needed cricket bats and hockey sticks and a back-up force of 50 slogan shouting people in order to attack 11 defenceless women should really be given awards for bravery, if they would come forward and give their names. Such bravery is required for our armed forces. The right place for them should be on the front lines of Ladakh and Siachen, defending our country.

But, of course, (and they had to admit) they could hardly be real Indians, if they could stoop so low as to treat women that way. In fact, they were the antithesis of all that the Hindu religion advocates.

It was information to them that the Sisters were helping the children of the most destitute in the nearby villages with their school work, giving them tuition where they needed it. And they were invited to ponder the possibility that therein lay the problem for those wearing fancy clothes and carrying mobiles - maybe they could not countenance the fact that the next generation would be educated, and no longer subject to the same exploitation that had made them destitute in the first place !

There was some satisfaction in being able to make these suggestions to a captive audience ; but one of the most moving experiences was to see their Provincial, Sr. Pushpam, and two members of the PLT, arrive from Delhi, after 13 hours in a car ; and to see the greetings they exchanged. I knew that healing would come of it. My work was done. The bike ride back gave me a chance to marvel at the gifts hidden in these horrible events.

Sr. Sylvia I think it was who prevented the driver from darting into the fray. If so, it was one manifestation of the Providence Who is our inheritance, and theirs too, our Sisters. Sr. Rose wanted to let the dogs out, but thought better of it. I am convinced that if the dogs had been available, the rowdies would not have had the same qualms about violence - and, having tasted blood, who knows what might have transpired. But the most striking epiphany was when Marie continually looked her captor in the eye and called him, "Bhaiyya", and, according to her own description, every time she did that, he looked at her and lost some of his fire. I found it hard not to think of "Jesus of Nazareth" - "I am He" - and they fell to the ground. I wonder how that young chap manages to look in the mirror these days : does he think of the girl who called him her brother while he treated her like that ? Is he able to look his own sister in the eye ? Is it possible something will yet happen to him ? Kingdom may yet come of it.

I must admit that I was amused at a very serious moment. On Thursday night, (well, 12.40 Friday morning) Sr. Sylvia led the night prayer, and I was privileged to be present. She started by asking us to pray for peace, to allow ourselves to be penetrated by peace. Then she invited us to send the vibrations of that peace to those who had entered our house that day.

And the song we sang was "Om Shanti Om", in the original Sanskrit. The reason I was amused was the thought that the brash young man had had the effrontery to declare himself to be a Hindu. If he could only have been present that night !

Not one iota of violence did our Sisters offer during the entire episode. Right now our own Novices are contemplating the enormity of this fact. When I started writing this, I had intended to email it today the 17^th, but the Internet refused to cooperate. This evening we had satsang, which normally takes about an hour. Today we were there for a little over two hours. Our reflections were nearly all around the experiences of our Sisters, and the feelings generated in us, their brothers. I was so proud of them, of the strength of their feelings, and their willingness to share them, and to delve into memories of similar events - some of which astounded me. I think I have seen Kingdom come.