Mr. Modi’s government builds tempo for national
law banning conversions to Christianity
JOHN DAYAL
The Indian Government sees an absolute ban on
conversions to Christianity as the only way they can control Hindu religious
nationalist elements from attacking Nuns, clergy and churches, big and small,
from the forests of Central India to the national capital, New Delhi. And going
by statements made by Prime Minister, Mr. Narendra Modi’s senior ministers, the
first contours of such a law may soon become apparent. Civil Rights groups have
recorded 168 incidents of targeted violence against the Christian community in
the 300 days Mr. Modi has been in power.
The discourse is already heating up to a fever
pitch as Mr. Modi prepares his party for the State legislative assembly
elections in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh where his Bharatiya Janata Party, BJP, hopes
to wrest power. These are among the biggest states in the Union of India, and
the only ones in the so-called Cow belt of the Gangetic plains where the party
does not control the provincial governments.
The BJP had repeatedly promised such a law made
to their core constituency, of upper caste and well off Hindus, in their
successful campaign in the General elections of 2014. This was reviving an unfulfilled
dream that dates back to 1978 when Mr. OP Tyagi of the then unified Janata party
moved a Private members draft legislation, ironically called the Freedom of Religion
Bill, in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of Parliament. Although the Bill did
not mention any religion by name, it was directed at Christianity.
Despite the support it had from Mr. Morarji
Desai, the prime minister, the Bill fell through as the government collapsed
when the socialist members objected to the “dual membership” that several
ministers and party-men had in the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh, RSS. Mr. Atal
Behari Vajpayee, Mr Desai’s minister for External affairs, and Mr. L. K. Advani,
the Information Minister, were members of the RSS, and then broke away to form
the BJP.
In 1999, Mr. Vajpayee, then Prime Minister, revived
the debate on the Bill when more than
two dozen small churches were destroyed, allegedly by Sangh cadres, in
Gujarat’s Dangs region on the eve of Christmas 1998. Mr. Vajpayee had visited
the Dangs to see the damage, and apparently felt the Christian community had
brought it upon itself by its work in the area. Mr. Vajpayee was challenged by
the Late Catholic Bishops Conference President, Alan De Lastic, the Archbishop of Delhi, who
reminded the Prime Minister that the debate on propagation of religion was
effectively settled in the Constituent Assembly.
The RSS, and even local Gandhians, were keen to
have a law against conversions. Mr. Vajpayee did not have the strength to bring
a national law. But the Gujarat state government under Chief Minister Mr. Narendra
Modi later passed a Freedom of Religion Act criminalizing conversions traced to
force or fraud. Such laws had been enforced earlier in Arunachal, Orissa,
Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, and later by Himachal Pradesh, prescribing
stiff punishment for those found guilty. Tamil Nadu too passed the law, but the
chief minister, Ms. J Jayalalitha, soon withdrew
it bowing to a major protest by the Christian community which had a political
clout in districts in the state.
These provincial laws have survived Christian
challenge in the High courts, most recently in Himachal Pradesh, and in the
Supreme Court. The Supreme Court has upheld such laws to be valid, maintaining
that while citizens had the freedom to chose, or change, their faith, the
constitutional right to propagate religion did not mean the right to “convert another person to one's own
religion.” Clergy, then, does not have the right to convert anyone.
In between its campaigns warning that Muslims
will overwhelm the “Hindu nation”, the RSS has maintained its pitch demanding
that there be a national law to curb the growth in the Christian population,
which it says, has been brought about by uncontrolled proselytization by
western evangelical groups and politically powerful Catholics in the Congress
party.
A national law will require an amendment to the
Constitution, which guarantees Freedom of Faith. The government is in no
position to do so with its minority presence in the Rajya Sabha, the Upper, where
it was recently embarrassed when the Opposition forced an amendment to the
Address of the President of India to the Joint Session of Parliament.
The Prime Minister, even as he praises the social
work of the Christian community, darkly hints at the culpability of religious
minorities in communal discord. His ministers are more forthright. Parliamentary
affairs minister Venkaiah Naidu, Finance Minister Arun Jaitely and other junior
ministers have repeatedly spoken of the urgent need to have a national law
against conversions to check the violence against the Christian community.
The most direct so far has been the Home Minister,
Rajnath Singh who said a few days ago that while
he had no issues with the pace of growth of the Muslim population, he wanted and
anti-conversion law. “It does not matter how many Muslims are there. If their
population is increasing, let it increase. We have no issues. But the cycle of
conversions must stop," Mr. Singh told a conference of state minority
commissions in Delhi. Without naming
her, he revived the RSS fulminations against Mother Teresa’s work as
being motivated by her zeal to convert people to Christianity. “Why do we do
conversions? If we want to do service, let us do service. But should service be
done for the purpose of religious conversion. Do not do this (conversions).
Leave it." He feels, as does his party, that conversions will change the
demography of India, and therefore make it lose its cultural Hindu identity.
While President Pranab Mukherjee has decried violence
against religious minorities, he has not spoken on this issue. It has been left to Vice
President Hamid Ansari to caution
against such State meddling any more in religion.. More than once, the Vice
president has stressed the freedom to change one's religion or belief is a
fundamental right, and asserted that no religion should be given an “official
status.” But his is a lonely voice.
The religious minorities have not really been able to forge a united
movement against such laws in the states, and it has been left to the
Christians to seek recourse in the courts. The Sikh community, despite the
violence unleashed against it during a period of insurrectionist terrorism in the 1970s and the 1980s, has not been
impacted. While it attracts many Hindus to its fold, it does not actively seek
converts. Muslims in India have not been accused of any magnitude of conversions,
other than being repeatedly accused of increasing their population by large and
polygamous families.
Among Christians, prelates of some of the Syrian denominations in
Kerala have often said their churches have not been involved in
proselytization, blaming it on evangelical groups.
But increasingly in recent years, human rights and freedom of
faith activists within the Christian community, and in civil society, have felt
that the fundamental Constitutional right of freedom to profess, practice and
propagate religion, circumscribed only by issues of law and order and health,
has to be defended to prevent a further erosion of civil liberties which could alter the basic
character of Indian democracy.
India is, at present, perhaps the only real multi-religious and
multi-cultural country in Asia. Its neighboring countries are either
theocracies or democracies where the majority religion, linked with ethnicity,
is overwhelmingly powerful, as in Sri
Lanka which has only recently emerged from a three decade long civil war.
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