Food,
faith and politics
JOHN
DAYAL
“Congratulations
Maharashtra: It is now safer to be cow than a woman, Dalit or Muslim in the
state”, a Tweet by anonymous but popular commentator @RushieExplains went viral
on social media when the President of India, Mr. Pranab Mukherjee, signed into
law a twenty-year old legislation banning the slaughter of cows, bulls bullocks
in that state, making it the 23rd state to criminalize the
production or eating of beef and beef products, in fact the possession of the
meat, a serious offence inciting a five year prison term. The irony was because
the current punishments under Indian law 2 years for drunken driving, the sort indulged
in by film stars and billionaires, 2 years for manslaughter, three years for
theft, 5 years for cow slaughter, 7 years for conversions by priests, specially
if involving Tribals and Dalits to Christianity. Indian law has no punishment
for marital rape.
The cow as the holy animal of Hindus has always been a disputed
belief. Prof D N Jha in his book 'The Myth of the Holy Cow' explains this
misrepresentation of cow's holiness. Rigveda has references of cow being one of
the most commonly consumed food item among the Brahmins. The practice of cow
slaughter was an integral part of the Aryan cult. Jha writes cow and bull meat
was one of the favourite delicacies of the Hindu deity Indra. Swami Vivekananda, whose name is now a chant in the corridors of
power said: ‘You will be astonished if I tell you that, according to old
ceremonials, he is not a good Hindu who does not eat beef. On certain occasions
he must sacrifice a bull and eat it.’ [Vivekananda speaking at the Shakespeare
Club, Pasadena, California, USA (2 February 1900) on the theme of ‘Buddhist
India’, cited in Swami Vivekananda, The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda,
Vol 3, (Calcutta: Advaita Ashram, 1997), p. 536]. Further research sponsored
by the Ramakrishna Mission established that “Vedic Aryans, including the
Brahmanas, ate fish, meat and even beef. A distinguished guest was honoured
with beef served at a meal. Although the Vedic Aryans ate beef, milch cows were
not killed. [C. Kunhan Raja, ‘Vedic Culture’, cited in the series, Suniti Kumar
Chatterji and others (eds.), The Cultural Heritage of India, Vol 1 (Calcutta:
The Ramakrishna Mission, 1993), p. 217].
Not many Indians, even if they are
non-vegetarians, can really afford meat of any kind in the manner that it is
consumed in the rest of the world where the flesh of animals, birds or fish is
the main staple, and starch, grain or
potato, and vegetables the accompaniment. In South Asia, the starch is the
staple, and the protein whether flesh or from
pulses, the condiment to make it
palatable or moist. This has to do with
the purchasing capacity of the people, rather than any dietary preferences. And
unlike the West where prime cuts of quality
beef can be really expensive, the
meat of the buffalo, the old and exhausted
cow and bulls and bullocks of no further use to the farmer or tradesman are
butchered, is about the cheapest protein consumed by religions and ethnic
minorities and the Dalits. But even then, the consumption figures are low.
The decision to curtail or ban the meat of the cow, then, is a
matter not so much of faith, or economics, as of practical politics, even though
the governments claim that bovines enrich
the soil and the environment by helping farmers on synthetic fertilizers. The
argument is easily countered by critics who point out that marginal farmers can
hardly afford to take care of cattle no longer useful as milch or draught
animals who then are turned out to die miserably of starvation.
The Congress was the first to poeticize the cow, so to say, and
Mahatma Gandhi and his peers in the early 20th century used it to
full measure. It would be remembered that the electoral symbol of the cow for
years was a pair of bullocks under yoke, succeeded later by a cow and calf. The
Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh and its political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party,
has hijacked the iconography and the political symbolism. The general
elections, and the elections to the state assemblies, some of which the BJP
won, culminated in the humiliating drubbing in the Delhi polls. The one
cheerful strain through the last year
has been the fact that the core vote share of the BJP has remained at just over
30 percent, or a third of the voting public. It is this core that the BJP has
to preserve as it cobbles coalitions and economic arguments to win in Bihar and
Uttar Pradesh. It desperately needs to win big in these two mammoth states
which send a good number of members to the Rajya Sabha where the BJP government
is in a minority and has been defeated on the Vote of Thanks to the Address of
the President. With UP and Bihar in its fold, it can in the next two years get
a majority in the two houses of Parliament and be able to enact ay law it wants
to. The emotional appeal of the cow will be very useful, even if the misogynist
statements of some RSS luminaries put off a section of the people now
supporting the party.
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